Hong Kong is in the fog
When you fly to Hong Kong, it seems like an island in the middle of the sea. From here begins the runway. It seems to pop up right from under the sea wave. The pilot must be an ace to land the plane on this patch. If you fly to Hong Kong from Beijing, then, having got to its airport, you inexplicably begin to understand what the Chinese slogan means: "One country - two lifestyles."
Both airports are the largest in the world. But, the difference is that in Hong Kong you are free to straighten your shoulders and not feel the effect of Big Brother. There is no need to scan fingerprints, retinas, telephones - as it is done in Beijing.
When you get directly into the city, you suddenly catch yourself thinking: contrary to the fact that at every step you are officially asserted that Hong Kong is an integral part of China, reality is trying with the same persistence to prove the opposite. It’s not even that the inhabitants of the peninsula, which is issued by the island, are more like Europeans than the inhabitants of mainland China - in behavior, in the manner of dressing, in the quality of life.
And there is something elusive in these people that does not make them either British (counting the 99-year lease of Hong Kong by Great Britain) or the Chinese. No wonder recent polls show that more than 7.4 million people, only 11% consider themselves Chinese. This quintessence of opposing cultures gives rise to a new nation, whose isolation is almost elusive.
Maybe that’s why it’s not a secret that many years of ethnic hatred between Hong Kong and mainland China have been made. First of all, the motive for the confrontation comes from the practice of collaboration of the local population with any conquerors, has ancient roots (this is geographically determined). As a result, Hong Kong has become the leading financial and economic center of Asia, with which only such a regional flagship as Singapore can compete today.
So what is Hong Kong today?
Hong Kong is a special administrative region of the People's Republic of China, located on the Kowloon Peninsula. It is washed from the west, south and east by the North China Sea. In the north, Hong Kong borders on the most dynamically developed Chinese province of Guangdong, where the special economic zone of Shenzhen operates. Te President of China Xi Jianping was the governor in this mainland province. The fact that Hong Kong is one of the deepest natural seaports in the world, as well as the fact that economic activity is carried out under British law, has been and are the main catalysts for a powerful influx of investment in autonomy.
In 1842, Hong Kong was invaded by Great Britain and turned into a colony under the Nanjing Treaty. In 1860, after the defeat in the Second Opium War, the Territory of the Kowloon Peninsula was transferred to the eternal possession of Great Britain, according to the Beijing Treaty. In 1898, Great Britain leased from China the adjacent territory in the north of the Kowloon Peninsula and the island of Lantau for 99 years. Together they were called New Territories. It is interesting that China as an independent state appeared only in 1911, and a lease agreement was concluded with the Qing empire mentioned above. The United Kingdom recognized this lease and never abandoned its obligations to transfer New Territories to China until 1997 - although it could do so, given the change in the subject of the agreement.
It was believed that since the UN Declaration on Decolonization - since 1960 - did not provide for the division of colonies, the British side had no choice but to return Hong Kong to China. However, a referendum on Hong Kong independence has not been held. Most experts in the field of international law believe that this fact, although not a direct violation, can, however, be the reason for a official Hong Kong to contact the UN, since the Declaration aims to provide independence not only to the colonies in general, but also to their population particular. At the same time, the situation is complicated by the fact that regional identity prevails over national in Hong Kong. However, when deciding on the return of Hong Kong to Сhina, the mood and mental characteristics of the population of the peninsula were not taken into account. And that was fatal. Therefore, considering the existing system of international law, the inhabitants of the peninsula have the hope of recognizing Hong Kong sovereignty at the UN level, although the process will be long and complicated.
Returning to history, we recall that in 1997 China acquired sovereignty over the territory of the peninsula. According to the general Sino-British declaration and the Hong Kong Basic Law, the latter was granted wide autonomy until 2047. It was understood that for 50 years after this event, the peninsula should live under the slogans “One country, two systems” and “Self-government in conditions of a high degree of autonomy. ” Until 2047, the PRC government is only responsible for general defense and foreign policy.
Hong Kong has its own legislation, police, monetary system, duties, immigration policies, and representation in international organizations and at international events (such as the Olympic Games).
Regarding the political structure, it is worth noting that while the peninsula was a colony, the Queen of Great Britain appointed its governor. Upon the return of the territory under the jurisdiction of China Hong Kong is headed by the Chief Minister of the Hong Kong Administration, which is elected by the Committee on Elections. It consists of 800 members. The composition of this committee includes various professional groups of the business elite. All other government officials or legislators are appointed by the Chief Minister of the Administration (directly or indirectly) or elected by voters. All this should guarantee the complete political, legislative, economic independence of Hong Kong from mainland China. However, procedurally, Beijing almost replaced independent potential electors with pro-Chinese-minded people, including parliamentarians and judges.
In order for any law was adopted by the autonomy parliament to take effect, it must be supported by the Chief Minister and the majority of deputies of the Legislative Assembly of Hong Kong. As in the case of the election of the Chief Minister of Administration, the parliament should be elected in several stages: half of its members is elected by universal suffrage of the population, divided by territorial basis, and the second, which is represented by groups of individuals and organizations, is elected by professional (functional) basis. These groups represent the most significant areas of Hong Kong's economy. However, the prospect of direct election of the parliament exists: according to the Basic Law, in the future, after 2047, all deputies of the Legislative Assembly will have to be elected by universal suffrage. It is no secret that the main investment attraction of Hong Kong is its economy, which is based on four pillars: free market, low taxation, state non-interference in the economy and English law. As an offshore, Hong Kong does not levy VAT and import duties excluding alcohol, methyl alcohol, tobacco and mineral oils. Plus, the principle of financial residency is inactive in Hong Kong. The income tax rate for companies operating in Hong Kong is 16.5%. According to the World Bank, 3 types of taxes are levied in Hong Kong, of which 17.6% are income taxes, 5.1% are labor taxes, 0.1% are others. The total tax rate is 22.8%.
The main provider of investment in Hong Kong is the International Finance Center, which has become the largest transit hub for global finance and is closely linked to the London International Financial Center. The Center itself was created by the British for their English standards, based on the local gold exchange. The presence of the port and developed infrastructure, as well as the game according to British law and rules, allowed Hong Kong not only to diversify the Economy, but also to make the sphere of service the 90% of the GDP. Including financial services. Approximately the same level belonged to industrial production in the 1970-1980s. For Hong Kong, which does not have its own minerals, this meant strengthening sovereignty and a certain deprivation of additional dependence on the mainland. Due to this, the Hong Kong economy competes strongly with the economies of Singapore, South Korea and other countries of the region. At the same time, the Hong Kong IFC is a direct competitor to the Singapore IFC, the Mumbai IFC and the Shanghai IFC.
What are they trying to not talk about?
It is believed that the development of Hong Kong began due to its colonization by the British in 1841. But this is not so. Before the conquest of the peninsula by the envoys of the United Kingdom, Jewish clans of merchants of opium, silk, tea and other colonial goods appeared here. First of all, these were the richest Sephardic families - Sasun and Kadduri, which entailed tribesmen from the countries of the Middle East, India, Great Britain and the Netherlands. According to available archival information (University Archives, University of Hong Kong, Our Home, Our History: The Hong Kong Heritage Project, Government Records Service), these two clans had access to the top leadership of Great Britain and the USA and were able to lobby the entry of both countries into the so-called “Opium wars” with China due to existing trade restrictions for foreigners in the Chinese market. According to Chinese sources, the First Opium War of 1840-1842 was waged by Great Britain against the Qing Empire. A prerequisite for the war was a distortion of the trade balance between the two countries in favor of China. The reason for this was the Chinese policy of protecting the empire from foreign influence. At that time, opium was a commodity that was in demand in China and could balance the trade market, bringing huge profits to the British and intermediaries. However, its sale was prohibited by imperial decrees. The smuggling of opium lasted several decades, until China harshly put an end to this in the 1830s. Pursuing a policy to protect the Chinese economy from drugs, in December 1839 the emperor closed the country's market for all merchants and smugglers from England and India, which led to the declaration by Great Britain in April 1840 - a war with the Qing Empire. The president of the United States of America, Democrat Martin Van Buren, also spoke in support of the war. According to the agreement, the Qing Empire paid a significant indemnity to Great Britain, transferred the Hong Kong Peninsula to the British crown and opened Chinese ports for English trade. The British treasury received a huge source of income from the sale of opium. The Qing Empire began a long period of weakening of the state and civil rebellion, which led to the enslavement of the country by European states and the huge spread of drug addiction, degradation and massive population decline.
In 1854, Great Britain, France and the United States tried to revise the treaties of 1841-1842, demanding the right of unlimited trade throughout China and official permission to trade opium. However, political intrigues did not lead to the desired result. Therefore, after the end of the Crimean War, in October 1856, Great Britain decided to start the new war in China. Soon France joined England. Russia - in exchange for territorial concessions - provided military assistance to the Qing Empire.
In December 1857, English-French troops encircled the town of Canton and demanded the signing of an agreement on difficult conditions for China. The Chinese government did not agree to these demands. Then the forces of the United Kingdom and France captured and destroyed Canton. In 1860, the combined army inflicted a decisive defeat on the Manchu-Mongol forces and began to threaten Beijing. On October 24-25, 1860, the Beijing deals were signed, according to which the Qing Empire paid a large indemnity, opened Tianjin for foreign trade, and allowed the use of Chinese labor, like slave labor, in the colonies of Great Britain and France. From that moment, the southern part of the Kowloon Peninsula passed to Great Britain, and Russia received the Ussuriysk Territory. Moreover, the latter did not formally belong to China, being the hereditary reserve of the Manchu dynasty, had the right to dispose of its own free will and to restrict the settlement of this territory by the Chinese during the previous two centuries. The mediators in the organization of negotiations and the establishment of trade channels were the above-mentioned Jewish clans, which, in addition to the development of trade channels, laid the foundation for the development of the financial and credit system of Hong Kong. Since they recruited only Jewish personnel, the second wave of Jewish emigration moved to Hong Kong in 1880. Qualified Sephardic specialists came from Iraq and India and mainly the Ashkenazi Jewish poor came from from Russia and the Balkans.
Members of both clans had extreme influence on the peninsula. They were parts of its executive and legislative bodies, and one of the Jewish leaders was even its governor. At this moment the clan members are also the members of the parliament and have a significant influence on the situation throughout the autonomy. In 2016 the Jews who have lived in Hong Kong for a long time 39% were U.S. citizens, 27% were UK and 17% were Israel.
Among the most influential and iconic figures of Hong Kong's Jewish business, there are Michael Kadduri (chairman and co-owner of CLP Group, Hongkong and Shanghai Hotels and Metrojet Airlines, the member of the board of directors of CK Hutchison Holdings) and James Meyer Sasun (Jardine Matheson Group Executive Director, Hongkong Land Company Director, Dairy Farm International Holdings, Mandarin Oriental Hotel Group and Jardine Lloyd Thompson Group, Chairman of the Sino-British Business Council). They are closely associated with Jewish lobbyists in the United States, Britain and Israel. These “cream creams” look at the Hong Kong as at the entrance gate of the Chinese economy. At the same time, the Jewish business of Hong Kong continues to play the role of mediator and moderator between the parties. And the course of all processes on the peninsula depends to a certain extent on it. Including political. This is what lies on the surface.
In our opinion, the competitors at the top of the autonomy business are the pro-government groups of mainland China, which are doing everything to reduce the competitiveness of opponents from the peninsula. Today in Hong Kong we are talking about a sharp increase in the direction of tightening the rules of the game by Shanghai group, whose protégé is President Xi Jingping. It is known that even in the days of his governorship, Xi had rather close ties with Hong Kong. This is not surprising, since the province of Guangzhou directly borders the peninsula and all trade, economic and financial relations depend on supplies from the mainland. At least, according to local experts, this could be a business relationship with Hong Kong Xi family members. And this is happening against the backdrop of the Chinese systemic crisis, which began long before the current US-Chinese trade war and is deepening at a significant pace.
Hong Kong political analysts say that the protests of recent years have been linked to the critical toughness of Xi Jiangping’s political decisions compared to the actions of the grouping of the previous chairman of China, Hu Jintao, who preferred reaching agreements with autonomies and solving internal party affairs, including the fight against shadow banking. While Hu's successor is trying to talk with the regions from a position of strength, he also intends to become Mao-2, not intending to retire after his second term in office. However, the internal censorship of information sources does not allow them to name the real cause of what is happening in Hong Kong. And we can assume that against the background of massive bubbles and a bloated economy, a trade war, changes in the priorities of the new leadership of the World Bank Group and the possible refusal of the latter to finance Chinese projects, it is critical for Xi to lower the level of protest moods on the mainland, demonstrating brutal force and "who is the master of the house ”in autonomies. Most likely, Xi does not want to be in the role of his long-standing predecessors, who, after the “Opium Wars”, were forced to sign treaties humiliating for China. And this is the first motive of Xi’s harsh behavior, which looked somewhat liberal at the beginning of his first term. At least then, the persecution of Falun Gong and one-party system were put to an end.
The second motive is that the Shanghai group is closely connected with shadow banking technologies, while Hong Kong and its IFC is one of the main regional and world transit centers for transferring shadow financial flows abroad. Shanghai and its IFC of the same name are significantly inferior to Hong Kong in all respects. This is especially a decisive factor in terms of the current systemic crisis. Accordingly, the current leadership is trying to solve the problems of Shanghai at the expense of Hong Kong, including the transfer of emphasis from the Hong Kong IFC and exchanges to Shanghai. There is no temporary resource of Xi to wait until 2047, when the peninsula finally loses the remnants of independence and is fully integrated into China (and it will take another 28 years to wait!). Therefore, the mainland authorities decided to speed up these processes manually, by force. And if there were no protests, they would have to be created.
The third motive is related to the anti-Chinese sentiment of the elites of Taiwan and Macau. Former colonies, like Hong Kong, are worried about the situation, and are afraid to repeat its fate. Now they are forced to seek support from regional interests from Southeast Asia and their partners - Americans, Europeans, Australians.
The fourth motive is the unstable position of Xi in the CPC Central Committee. They are afraid to recall this, referring to the fact that the governors and members of the Central Committee took the oath of allegiance to the President of the People's Republic of China even during the compilation of the list of members of the Central Committee before the XIX Congress of the CPC. But those who know the inner-party situation say that it is not necessary to believe this oath. The "Shanghaiers" opposed the regional elites, they have many opponents among the leading forces of the party, especially the young ones, who are not only unsatisfied, but also frightened by the threat of multi-line monopoly on leadership seats, which will negate the possibility of career advancement for decades. There is no need to talk about the members of the Central Committee - it’s worth at least recalling the stories of Xi’s many party comrades, who were called “corrupt” and executed - either sent to camps for re-education, or simply shot. However, the tough course does not allow to “clear” the territory from all opponents. This is especially true of the members of the grouping of the Xi’s predecessor - Hu Jintao, the main fighter against shadow banking. Hu Jintao, before his election, sought the trial of his predecessor, Jiang Zemin, who also represents the Shanghai group. But the Central Committee decided not to take the dirty linen out of the hut and let Jiang’s investigation on the brakes. The consequence for Hu was that during inspections in the regions with the highest level of shadow banking, the latter received several unsuccessful attacks.
The fifth motive is determined by the flight of mainland Chinese fund. Including, either in transit through the Hong Kong IFC, or through IFC residency and investment in the autonomy economy. The strengthening of Beijing's policy on Hong Kong has already caused tension in the business environment of the peninsula and has strengthened the withdrawal of assets further to Singapore and North Korea. Investors suffer significant losses. Including the closest relatives of Xi, who, according to the opposition of the Chinese press, have invested personal funds in various assets, including luxury real estate in Hong Kong.
According to the same sources, Xi’s relatives main assets are located outside of China. The financial losses from assets in Hong Kong are most important, but not critical for them. Significant part of Xi’s family lives in New York. It is much more difficult for the President of China himself to prevent the unification of a business opponent of the family with the top of the Hong Kong opposition and external interests, both Western and regional.
Moreover, it is worth considering the composition of the top of the opposition. It is not youth from protests and not ordinary residents of Hong Kong. The real opposition leaders are those whose interests have entered into a tough conflict with the interests of Xi. For example, the brains and wallet of the opposition can still be representatives of a strategic Israeli concern, which categorically do not allow on the Chinese market, and, equally, family members of the destroyed internal party opponents. For example, recall the story of Bo Xilai, a former rival of Xi in the party leadership. Since the execution did not end - where is the guarantee that the Israelis or the same Saudis will not turn up interesting offers on the family members of the deceased tomorrow? The Chinese leader has many such potential opponents. The crisis does not multiply friends. Even in narrow circles at the top of the CPC Central Committee.
Against the background of systemic financial and economic difficulties, Xi should beware of not only this list. For China and its leader, personally, new infrastructure projects is a life jacket. However, he can suddenly pull his owner to the bottom, depending on how the policy of the new leadership of the World Bank Group changes or is already passing. We are talking about the possibility of revising or even refusing - partially or completely - to lend to the Chinese (the coveted Belt - Road project, in particular). And this forces many regional players to start searching for new global partners and create new alliances. The protests in Hong Kong will become a litmus test for those Chinese “friends” from catch-up countries who have doubted Chinese reliability, durability and solvency. In this situation, China cannot give slack. No need to trust the information about the recall of the bill on the extradition of Hong Kong criminals to mainland China. The appeal was accepted for the proposal of a different in form, but not in essence, model of law. Thus, according to our forecasts, Xi will try to squeeze the protesters, and the punishment will be indicative of fierce. Just as it was demonstrated in August in a partnership in Beijing - Moscow. And China can use not only its usual power solution. Rather, it will be financial pressure or hybrid.
The Chinese business is also actively observing the situation, gradually starting to pack things and withdraw assets. The fears of reprisals makes those who have already managed to withdraw assets and leave the mainland more compliant and more generous with the Hong Kong opposition. Hence, the involvement of the best world experts from among crisis managers and political strategists in the situation.
However, there is an undisputed winner in this dangerous game. Anyone who benefits from protests in Hong Kong, anyway. It is US President Donald Trump.
Let's fantasize. For example, the situation is forcing China to negotiate. Then the American counterpart of the trade war can only wait for a call from Beijing. Or, suppose that Xi manages to cope with the protests through the use of force and the launch of the flywheel of repression. Then we will see international investigations, sanctions, arrests of accounts and so on begin. Finally, it’s possible that the Chinese will make concessions and Trump will start screaming about his contribution to the development of democracy ... Finally the American side is eager to help the inhabitants of the peninsula - apply to the UN with a request for sovereignty based on the results of the referendum among Hong Kong residents. The referendum they forgot to hold in the 1960s. And the mood of Hong Kong residents is widely known. In such case his own people will “eat” Xi.
Opposition in Hong Kong
Formally, Hong Kong has its own legal system and borders, as well as rights, including fundamental human rights, such as freedom of assembly and freedom of speech etc. For example, Chinese journalists like to remind that residents of the peninsula are free to honor the memory of five victims during the events in Beijing Tiananmen Square. The demonstration of unarmed students was shot in 1989. In mainland China there is a risk of imprisonment and serving a sentence in a re-education camp without a trial and a fixed term only for one mention of these events.
Unity is needed to win protests. There is no single opposition movement in Hong Kong. There are disparate political forces with different demands. Some advocate the democratization of political life, others favor the review of court decisions on election winners who were not allowed to take the oath of office and work in parliament, others favor secession from China and gain their own sovereignty, and others favor recognition of Hong Kong residents as an independent people.
For example, one of the leading Hong Kong-based NGOs, Demosista (香港 眾志, The Will of the People), stands for Hong Kong’s self-determination. The Demosista was created according to the model of the Taiwanese New Power Party, which was formed by the leaders of the Sunflower movement. For the first time in history, the party won 113 seats in parliament in the January 16, 2016 elections. Their partners from the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), led by current president Tsai Ing-wen, won 68 seats. The ruling Kuomintang party lost its representation and joined the opposition. Some experts believe that in this case, it was not done without the help of the mainland forces, since the Kuomintang was almost always one of the main opponents of the CPC.
But Taiwan is one thing, Hong Kong is more significant at the moment, where the Chinese have done everything so that any political processes are agreed and controlled by the mainland Center.
The rehearsal of the current protests in Hong Kong began at the end of September 2014. These were mass protests against attempts by the central government of China to interfere with a free election campaign in 2017. The protests were called the Umbrella Revolution. In 2014, the Chinese government announced that it would allow Hong Kong voters to vote for their leaders on a list approved by the pro-Beijing Committee. International experts called this scheme “fictitious democracy”. The demonstrators then held out for 3 months, in December the police dispersed and liquidated the Protestant camp.
The basis of the protests in 2014, as now, was young people, very close to the protests in Hong Kong and the current Russian ones. Also these protests have suppression methods. Moreover, we believe that the ruling groups of both countries use a mutual exchange of experience. In addition, it is joint that the current protests, like those of the Russian Federation and China, were quite varied in subject matter - against increasing travel on vehicles, environmental problems and local self-government, against the distribution of banknotes that are easily falsified, for general direct suffrage and so on.
Also, a commonplace is the neglect by the central government of the mental, legal, social, cultural requirements of the population of the territories. Huntington’s example of self-identification of the New Territories, that is, “tigers” like Hong Kong, became hackneyed. The Chinese elite simply ignores this, using the term "only Chinese people" in relatively autonomous regions - which is synonymous with the definition of "united Soviet people" of the late Brezhnev era. Most likely the situation reflects the experience of training Chinese party workers and ideologists of the old formation in the USSR, and then in the Russian Federation.
At the same time, opinion polls from the University of Hong Kong show that protesters do not identify with the people of mainland China. They are - according to Huntington - "a hybrid of eastern mentality, seasoned life and worldview of Western civilization." It makes young people participate in endless protests and perceive any encounter with the mainland as a personal struggle. This feeling is reinforced by the fact that the wave of protests in 2014 did not lead to anything, and its leader was sentenced to various terms of imprisonment.
More and more local government actions in Hong Kong require the consent of the central government. Moreover 12 of the winning candidates were disqualified by the court on ridiculous charges in the 2017 local elections. It would be nice if a potential deputy would exclaim after taking the oath the slogan: “Hong Kong is not China!” As two of those who were not allowed to take power did. Nevertheless, there is at least some logical reason for this. But half of the 12 parliamentarians who were not allowed in the parliament, for example, were accused of not solemnly proclaiming the deputy’s oath, poor diction or additional words that they weren’t in the oath and so on. After that, another 6 elected deputies were disqualified. They rejected the central authority’s procedure for signing a consent form stating that “Hong Kong is an integral part of China.”
Attempting to advance the previously failed Extradition Act is another example of the initiative of local officials led by Chief Minister Carrie Lam. Revised law revoked on offenders in Hong Kong. Regardless of its wording, most likely, the law will be adopted. The Hong Kong protesters and the international community that supports them regard this situation as an attempt to suppress dissent. Since internees individuals can end up in a system of camps for re-education without trial or investigation. At the same time, the law will affect not only Chinese citizens, but also foreigners, including citizens of Great Britain and the USA. And this may entail other charges. For example, in espionage (remember how it was in the days of Mao or Stalin).
In parallel, Beijing, in its own interests, is actively using the professional part of the Hong Kong parliament, whose members represent various professional and business groups. The main task of these deputies is the pressure on the relevant community. Especially in the issue of preventing the participation of employees of the respective companies in protests. So, as a result of pressure from Beijing, Rupert Hog, executive director of Cathay Pacific Airways, based in Hong Kong, was forced to resign. Company employees who took part in the protests were denied access to flights. And PwC, Deloitte, KPMG, and Ernst & Young, were forced to publicly denounce the actions of their protesting employees.
It is clear that the protests - and almost half of the Hong Kong population participate in them - are not capable of lasting on their own without any recharge. The same can be said about the suppression of speeches. The power actions also require resources. And Hong Kong with its protests is not the only rebellious autonomy. There is also the aforementioned Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous, Tibet, Inner Mongolia. And, focusing on the outskirts, you can miss the social explosion in the center. It is clear that in response to the actions of Beijing, there is a union of current and potential sponsors of the protest. Prior to this, both local business and external interests joined equally. China did not actively allow its markets, arranging something like exchange interventions. For example, we are talking about artificial volatility in stock prices of the largest Hong Kong companies with foreign presence, restrictions on licenses, access and more.
Now about the consequences of what is happening.
To a greater extent, they will affect not only and not so much Hong Kong. And not even the UK, which, according to numerous experts, is not only a former patron of autonomy, but also the current one. And perhaps the most external Chinese partner in shadow banking. The weakest in the link will suffer in this struggle - the countries of Central Asia that are critically dependent on China and Russia that is even more dependent. It is at their expense that the Chinese side aims to compensate for both damage from the crisis and protests. At the same time, Ukraine will not suffer, since representatives of China have already set their sights on participating in the restoration of Donbass at the expense of the UN. True, this does not compare with the income from Hong Kong, but... However, the Donbass pie has been divided for several years. Who did not have time, that one was late. And, in this case, the Chinese were late. However, there is a chance that major players will agree and return to the status quo, forgetting everything in the next unresolvable conflict of interest. Moreover, all parties in stock have hope for the strategic talent of unsinkable Jewish business from Hong Kong. Descendants of the real winners of both opium wars.